
Commentary of the
Week
Breaking bones for Kadima victory?
There is no denying the logic behind the advice that acting prime
minister Ehud Olmert's campaign advisors no doubt gave him to mark
the formal opening of the Kadima Party's election campaign by
breaking the bones of protesters at Amona.
After all, overnight polling certainly would have shown that many
potential Kadima voters were disappointed with the outcome in the
Hebron market affair - with the Jews evacuating on their own
volition as part of an understanding (confirmed by the IDF and
denied by AG Mazuz) that other Jews can be expected to replace
them in the buildings in a month or two.
Heavily covered bone breaking no-nonsense "law enforcement" at
Amona more than makes up for Hebron. Accepting the Yesha
Council's proposal that they themselves would either re-locate or
demolish the buildings within two weeks would have meant much more
than a lost photo-op: it could have meant a drop of several
percentage points in the polls for Kadima. And to make matters
worse for the Kadima campaign team, accepting the Yesha Council's
proposal would have given the Yesha Council more credibility in
the eyes of the protesters - thus increasing the possibility that
they would be also able to successfully broker other evacuations -
thus denying the Kadima campaign team the bone breaking law
enforcement imagery they sought not only at Amona but at the other
locations slated for action before the elections.
The numbers definitely favored confrontation over peaceful
resolution. But with Kadima enjoying a huge lead in the polls was
it really necessary for Mr. Olmert to put his campaign's interests
ahead of those of the nation? Is it really so critical that Kadima
polls 43 seats instead of 39?
Perhaps Mr. Olmert's campaign advisors can't be faulted for
wanting to maximize Kadima's victory at the polls at any cost, but
that doesn't excuse Ehud Olmert for accepting their advice.
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Commentary of the
Last Week: Will Olmert's move against
settlers quash the retreat debate?
Whether they planned it all along or simply stumbled into it, the Olmert
teams' decision to try and carry out a series of high profile assaults
against settlers over the course of the period leading to election day is
sheer genius. Olmert's team didn't have to poll much to find that many of
Kadima's potential supporters from the Left and Left-Center would like
nothing more than to see settlers "put in their place" with the television
screens filled with images of Jews being dragged from their homes in
various outposts and elsewhere in the West Bank. It's a win-win situation
for Olmert: if a massive show of force causes the settlers to leave
passively it's a victory - and if security forces have to break bones - or
worse - to show whose boss - that's also a vote getter.
Olmert's
team, with the cooperation of the media, can market these "victories" over
the settlers as proof of his ability to handle Israel's security
challenges despite his lack of prior experience. To their credit, the
advisors behind the Kadima Party have already anticipated the negative
impact that pre-election terror attacks could have on Olmert's image.
With the help of COS Halutz and others, the bloody second Intifada period
has been set as the benchmark for terror, so even if literally hundreds
are murdered in terror attacks before election day it can be claimed that
terror is down.
But should the ability to uproot settlers from their homes be the defining
qualification for candidates in the upcoming elections?
It might be if uprooting some settlers was the only thing holding up the
implementation of a popular final status agreement that had already passed
the confirmation process - or if retreat was a foregone conclusion. But no
one seriously claims an agreement is even close to being reached - and
that's with or without Israel standing its ground on requiring the PA to
actually disarm the terrorists before the talks start. That's disarm -
not simply put on the PA security forces payroll. As for retreat: it isn't
a foregone conclusion - it's the true issue of the elections.
Time and again polls demonstrate that the Israeli public opposes retreat.
The public has no problem appreciating just how reckless further retreats
in the West Bank would be. In point of fact, most of those who supported
Ariel Sharon preferred him despite - rather than because - of his plans to
carry out additional retreats after the elections. That's why the Olmert
team intends to upstage the retreat debate with media coverage of security
operations against settlers. They know that if the elections turn into a
debate over policy, support could plummet.
For the sake of Israel one can only hope that Netanyahu and the rest of
the national camp are up to the formidable task of convincing the
citizenry to vote for policy rather than personality.
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PREVIOUS COMMENTARIES
OF THE WEEK BY DR. AARON LERNER
Bush's support for Sharon was mostly rhetoric
U.S. President Bush is certainly trying to tell the Israeli public
to vote for Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Kadima Party, but the
Bush team's actions have been anything but supportive. Ask the
families of Israelis who have literally "died to please Bush" as
time and again the Sharon team reduced vital Israeli security
measures at the insistence of the White House. The Bush team's
rhetoric has been anti-Palestinian terror, but the Bush team
supports the Palestinian Authority's (PA) proposal to put even the
most radical and dangerous Palestinian terror cells on the PA's
payroll. President Bush may talk about disarming the terrorists,
but in the very same breath he praises plans to train and arm them
as cops. The Bush team's rhetoric has been to respect and support
Israel's vital interests, but the Bush team pressed Israel to
agree to the precedent setting arrangement at Rafah that gives the
Palestinians the right to not only grant free passages to
terrorists but also the final say on the movement of weapons and
explosives across the border. If the Palestinian inspectors
insist that the anti-aircraft missile in a box is an umbrella, and
PA officials back the claim, then under the Bush team brokered
deal, the missile goes through as an umbrella. Yes, the Bush team
has at times "allowed" Israel to drag its feet on the
implementation of various commitments that it has imposed on
Israel, from delineating a final stranglehold on the settlement
blocs that the Sharon team claims Washington accepts to
irreversibly removing vital security arrangements.
But
at each step of the way these commitments have been carefully
recorded - leaving it up to Washington to decide when and where to
call these debts.
The Bush team's rhetoric has been for a strong Israel, but its
arms policy has been to dangerously strengthen Israel's neighbors
as it intentionally handicaps Israel defense industries in order
to give a leg up for their American competitors. The Bush and
Sharon teams hope that Israeli voters will be impressed by the
photo-ops and ignore the substance. For Israel's sake, let's hope
they are wrong.
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Post Sharon Era Elections - Program Over Personality
Make no mistake about it: the overwhelming majority of Israelis oppose
unilateral withdrawals (less than twenty percent supported more
"unilateral disengagements" in a poll conducted last month by Mina
Tzemah for the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs's Defensible Borders
Project). But in a personality rather than policy-driven decision, many
of the very same people who tell pollsters that they oppose the
post-election retreats Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has in mind also say
they would vote for a Sharon-led Kadima Party. And there was an
underlying logic to this choice.
After all, Israel's survival isn't just based on good policy - it can
also depend on critical crisis management. It is 4:00 AM and Syria has
suddenly advanced a battalion towards the border. Who do you want to be
woken up to handle the crisis? Ariel Sharon, Binyamin Netanyahu or Amir
Peretz? There were a lot of Israelis who thought Sharon's policies were
madness but still would prefer Sharon at a fateful 4:00 AM over the
others. But with Sharon effectively off the Kadima list there simply
isn't anyone there who enjoys this very special public confidence.
Kadima can be expected to appeal to voters to honor "Sharon's legacy" on
election day, but it's not a particularly powerful appeal.
Especially when the "legacy" is a policy the public opposes.
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