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YOU HAVE REACHED THE COLUMN OF PAULA R. STERN "POLITICAL HORIZON"...

0PAULA R STERN'S POLITICAL HORIZON

Stop the Bulldozers, Now!

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On Thursday, I visited Gush Katif for what was probably the last time. I arrived in Netzer Hazani and saw a surrealistic scene of rubble amidst beautiful gardens, ruined benches that once offered a weary traveler a place to sit for a moment. The trees remain, the houses gone. The pathways to the houses are there, but they lead to a mountain of rubble.

Some of the settlements were eerily quiet, a guard or two at the gates, or a camp of soldiers remaining to protect the synagogue and perhaps a public building or two. Other settlements were in the process of being destroyed, with heavy equipment tearing through the heart and gardens. Signs remained, orange ribbons were found in abundance, a symbol of the anti-disengagement struggle that was fought by hundreds of thousands and ignored by our government. I watched the house of someone I know being collapsed by a bulldozer flying an Israeli flag and wondered what good would come out of such an incredible sacrifice. Little did I know that I would receive an answer so quickly. Today, as we “orange” people had long suspected, bombs started going off in Israel again, only 5 days after the last expulsion and while Jews are still packing their belongings and bulldozers are ramming into the lives and communities that remain. A Jew was murdered in the Old City last week,  another stabbed in Hebron. Today, doxens more were injured in the first, but surely not the last, suicide attack against an Israeli bus station, in an Israeli city. Israelis have been injured. Stop the bulldozers. The target was actually not the bus station, nor the buses coming and going from the busy morning rush hour traffic. The actual target was, once again, the Soroka Hospital, which treats thousands of Palestinian and Bedouin patients on a regular basis. When I was there, it seemed as if at least half the hospital traffic included Arabs, who were treated with respect, attended to professionally, and offered equal treatment for any number of serious and not-so serious ailments. In short, a regular hospital, doing regular things. In June, a former patient who owes her life to the hospital burn unit, attempted to show her gratitude by exploding a bomb in the emergency room. Today, another Arab calmly asked directions to the same hospital. Luckily, the guards at the bus station quickly pieced together the image before them. Something about the young Palestinian with a backpack aroused their suspicions, and with their bodies, they stopped him from proceeding. The two guards are in serious condition at the hospital they saved, and dozens of people, probably considerably shaken and upset, are, nevertheless, alive, because of the quick thinking of the guards. Stop the bulldozers.

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was elected on a platform of peace and security. He has delivered neither. He tried to convince a weary population that capitulation and surrender would deliver what he once promised a strong hand and a policy of not withdrawing under fire would. The ironies are almost too much to bear. On a day when a Palestinian seeks to blow up an Israeli hospital, again, reports are reaching the Israeli press that Senior Palestinian Authority Minister Mohammed Dahlan has been admitted to a Tel Aviv hospital with back pains. According to the Ministry of Health website of the “State of Palestine,” there are 78 hospitals in their territories, apparently none of them good enough for Minister Dahlan. I wonder whether he will issue a strong condemnation and realize that it could just as easily have been the hospital in which he is currently a patient. Stop the bulldozers. Nothing can be done for the devastated communities of Netzer Hazani, Gadid, Slav, Ganei Tal and so many others, but Neve Dekalim and Atzmona still stand. Stop the bulldozers. We cannot continue on a road to madness when we know, from the mouths and actions of our enemies, that they have no intention of letting us live in peace, security or even relative safety. They are so thirsty for our blood, they cannot even wait for us to hand them territory before continuing the attacks. Until they are ready for peace, as Egypt and Jordan were after years of warfare, it is madness, utter insanity  to continue destroying the homes and communities we have built in exchange for nothing. Stop the bulldozers.

Israel has bungled the evacuation. Yonatan Bassi, rather than being rewarded for his conflicts of interest with 150,000 shekels, should be jailed for corruption and incompetence. Ariel Sharon should admit he has lost his mind. He is incapable of leading this country in a coherent and meaningful way. Stop the bulldozers. Let the people return to their land and homes and call elections now. Let Sharon run on a platform or weakness, surrender and collaboration with terrorists. Let Mitzna, Barak or Peres or Burg run on a platform of withdrawal under fire and negotiation with terrorists. Let a strong leader arise who will admit publicly what we have known all along. There will be no peace in the Middle East until the Arabs want it. Terrorism will only stop, when negotiation is seen by the Palestinians as a more effective way of achieving results. Until that time, until we bring the future of Israel back to the people where it belongs, and from whom it was stolen by Ariel Sharon, stop the bulldozers.

 

Color Me Orange

 

Unlike many in Israel, including hundreds of thousands of Jews born in Eastern European or Arab countries, I have always had the honor and luck to live in a democracy. Born in the United States and then having relocated to the only real democracy in the Middle East, I have always been proud of the lengths to which our justice system has gone in order to protect the democratic rights of the inhabitants of Israel.  Having stated without reservation that I am proud to live in a democratic country, one dedicated to honoring the individual while serving the whole, I feel free now to admit my utter amazement at the actions of the police and security forces. I am not surprised that Ariel Sharon’s government is afraid of everything orange. Orange, the color of the sunrise.

 

Orange is the color of those who oppose Sharon’s plan, but in its own way, orange is becoming the voice of democracy in a country where suddenly irrational fear is replacing freedom and paranoia is rampant. What else is it but paranoia when security guards at the Western Wall spend more effort determining the color of a child’s shirt or bracelet than the contents of a backpack?  What else but irrational fear would cause security guards at the Knesset to confiscate orange scarves from a delegation of Indian visitors simply because of the color? What did they think the Indians were going to do? Did they fear our honorable leaders would be strangled? Was something possibly hidden by or under the scarves? No, the security threat to the nation's leaders came from the simple fact that the scarves were orange. Orange, the color of the sunshine.

 

Young girls wearing orange t-shirts were refused entry to the Western Wall. A boy wearing an orange t-shirt under other layers of clothing was forced to undress before being allowed to proceed. If you approach the Western Wall wearing an orange bracelet, the new police regulations suggest you will be forced to remove it or surrender your right to pray at Judaism’s second holiest site (the first being the actual Temple Mount itself).  A boy wanting to take part in the national Bible competition was refused the right to participate until he removed or covered his orange t-shirt. Bracelets, orange strips of material, t-shirts, hats. All forbidden because of the color…and more importantly the fact that it represents opposition to the government’s plan. Orange, the color of the sunset. A Knesset member was ejected from the proceedings because he donned an orange hat. He did not scream, as they are wont to do, nor did he threaten. The simple act of putting on an orange hat was enough. And the more the Sharon government exhibits this incredible reaction to orange, the more powerful the symbol becomes. Day by day, Israel is turning orange as people realize that Sharon’s plan endangers the security of our country. Top IDF members have expressed their hesitation. The highest officers are warning that Hamas is re-arming and getting ready to thrust yet another, more intense terror battle against us.

 

According to some dream-related websites, orange can symbolize “generosity, optimism and nobility.” Dreams in orange, says one site, are usually associated with “warmth, sunshine and brightness.” But there is another side to orange, suggests the text. Orange is also “a warning, or a caution.” Those who chose orange to symbolize the anti-expulsion plan could not have chosen better. As Israel colors itself in orange, we are sending a signal that we believe in the bright future of Israel.  We are committed and optimistic that the sun will shine on us. But we are also issuing a warning that we are not blinded by either the sun or Sharon’s plan. We see what it will do to Israel. We know, as he has forgotten, that the so-called “unilateral disengagement” is anything but true disengagement and anything but a fulfillment of the promise of peace and security Sharon once made to the people of Israel.

 

As my children go to school with their orange t-shirts and I drive my car draped in the colors of protest, I realize that orange has become the symbol of democracy itself, the right to protest, the right to withhold support, the right to voice opposition. It amazes me that something as simple as a color could come to symbolize not only something we hold so precious, our freedom, but also the lengths to which a corrupt government will go to stop this legitimate expression of our concerns. Out of his blind fear and paranoia has been born the power of orange.
 

Civil Disobedience, not Civil War

 

 

 The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. (Henry Thoreau, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience). There can be fewer more accurate descriptions of power perverted than the current Sharon disengagement/expulsion plan. The Sharon government came to power on a clearly defined three-prong platform based on a commitment to work for security and peace, while not negotiating under fire. What has happened since that election is difficult to comprehend. The right-wing Sharon has become the darling of the left, forsaking not only his own commitments to several key strategic areas of Israel, but demeaning, betraying, and finally abandoning the very power base of supporters who brought him to office.

 

Unlike some of my friends, I have come to the conclusion that Sharon’s manipulations in firing ministers, betraying his own commitment to honor party referendums that he called, and in the end refusing to hold a national referendum are all legal and within his right as the democratically elected prime minister of Israel. I cannot accept protests that he is a dictator and that he is damaging Israel’s democracy because ultimately what he is doing is legal and democratic. By the same token, however, I cannot ignore the fact that legally elected governments are not necessarily moral and their actions can be anything but ethical.  And yet, Sharon’s policies do not fulfill the spirit of the democracy he pretends to uphold. He came to power on one platform. A majority of Israel supported this platform and gave him our vote, our voice. But that was a different Sharon, a different Israel. The Israel in which we live now, the one that Sharon has created finds it acceptable to stop teenagers or children from going to pray at the Western Wall because they wear an orange shirt or bracelet.  Sharon does not have the moral right to use the power and votes of his constituents to implement policies that directly contradict the platform for which they voted. He does not ethically have the right to continue in office without returning to the people, either by national referendum or by election. All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. (Henry Thoreau, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience). To be legal but immoral, democratic but unethical, twists the foundations of the society we have built and undermines the fibers that bind us as a people and a nation. All arguments have been made, all pleas delivered. What will happen in the next few weeks is a result of Sharon’s unwillingness to heed the needs of a wise minority who simply said that their votes would not be used to dismantle the lives and communities of devoted citizens who have suffered long and hard for this country.

 

Men, generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? (Henry Thoreau, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience)

 

The wise minority of Israel, if it is indeed even a minority, says that we are not headed to peace and security and that those who told us never to negotiate with terrorists while under fire were correct. Sharon took our vote, but he cannot take our voice. He cannot force us to accept a plan that we feel is dangerous to our future and a betrayal of all that we have created. The fact that he helped create what he now rushes to destroy is just one of many ironies. But, for the record, Sharon’s much touted and wished for civil war will not happen, but civil disobedience will. Those who oppose Sharon’s expulsion plan will take to the streets and with their bodies, protest a course and an action that we believe to be immoral.

 

A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight…This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. (Henry Thoreau, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience)

 

For some, this is about taking our votes back, before Sharon puts our names on the bulldozers he will use to destroy the synagogues in Gaza, the shovels and tractors he will use to unbury the dead in Gush Katif. Had there been a national referendum, that would have enabled us to accomplish this, regardless of the outcome. What we are left with is to engage in a legal battle to fight a legal action. But unlike Sharon, our actions carry the morality of our convictions, the ethics of our fathers. Having been denied that right, all we are left with is the need to make it known that this path that Israel will take is not the path we would choose. Where Sharon will take this nation, we fear. For all of us, what we will do, we do out of love for our families, our people, and our nation. Out of this love, will be born a civil disobedience that would make Henry Thoreau proud. But more importantly, what we do is announce to a government void of justice, that we will seek the just way to defend our homes, our nation, and our people. Under a government which imprisons unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. (Henry Thoreau, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience)

Different Lives, Different Lessons

Life is full of juxtapositions. A year ago, as I was attending a wedding celebration of two 18-year-olds from our neighborhood, an 18-year-old Palestinian set about murdering young Israelis in a suicide bombing that also wounded dozens and brought a nation back to a reality it was hoping to ignore.

Death and life. The end of one present and the start of another’s future. On that night, Menachem, a name that means “comfort” was married, bringing joy to his friends and family as, Sa’adi, a name that means “happiness” brought pain and death to dozens of Israeli families. Two young men, two boys really, that grew up relatively close in distance, but world’s apart in education and ideology. One could talk about political realities, the differences in education, ideology and incitement. It is not shocking that Sa’adi chose to do this. He comes from a village that is no stranger to violence and murder. Only a few months before Saadi’s vicious attack, Israeli troops successfully stopped Hazan Titi, another resident of the village who had an explosives belt and planned to detonate himself in Jerusalem. Before that, Beit Furiq’s Mohammed Hanani attacked an Israeli settlement and in 2001, Sa'ad Janani, yet another resident, shot and killed an Israeli woman and wounded three other civilians.

Like other places in the West Bank and Gaza, violence has been ingrained in the young of Beit Furiq. They ingest it with their schoolbooks, absorb it at prayer, see it on Palestinian television, and hear it from their leadership. Long ago, someone told Sa’adi that he should become a martyr to the Palestinian cause. He was promised 72 virgins in heaven and told he would be remembered as a hero of the Palestinian people. Children will sing songs and write school reports in his honor, he was likely told, just as a young child in Kalandia wrote a tribute to Abed el Rahman Aljulani. Aljulani drove into Tel Aviv in August, 2001 and opened fire, wounding ten people before he was stopped.

What brought me to thinking about those 18-year-olds was the celebration of my oldest son graduating high school last night and his turning eighteen last month. The teachers came forward to greet their students, speaking of the pride they felt as educators. How they had taken boys and brought them to the threshold of manhood. Two elderly, frail women slowly made their way to the podium. One needed help climbing up and that took additional moments. The boys recognized the women long before we knew who they were. They waited and listened with patience and smiles. The women had come to thank the boys for all the Monday morning during the school year, they had gone to old age homes and elementary schools to volunteer, to spend some time, to play, to read a book, to donate a piece of themselves and bring joy.

The cynic might have said that the boys had no choice; it was a requirement to complete high school. But there was no requirement for the boys to cheer for the women who came to thank them; no one forced them to show their joy and in so doing, help these women, yet again, to smile. The women blessed the boys and wished them health and safety and thanked the mothers for raising such fine young men. The evening wasn’t completely serious, however. The boys showed a videotaped skit they had made. It was typical of what most high school boys would do, up to a point. They made fun of the teachers, the math teacher who drew lines in all directions and numbers across the board which no one understood. The mannerism of one teacher who stands a certain way and lectures them about his vision for their future. Two boys pretended to have a fistfight that was stopped by two “teachers” played by two other boys, and then the two “teachers” joined in their own fistfight.

All humorous, all typical, all normal of high school boys. And then the scene that showed that nothing is ever really just normal. It sneaks up on
you when you don’t expect it, when you are lulled into relaxing and thinking that now you can just be what you are, a kid, a mother at her son’s high school graduation, a person. In the film, the security guard, played by another boy, answers the call at the front gate of the school and there is a suicide bomber (played by a student). The boys were laughing so hard, I could not hear what the “terrorist” said, but he was given admittance, and proceeded to walk around the school as everyone continued their business without noticing him. The would-be bomber looks in different classrooms, takes his time, and then chooses one. Since the boys laughed again, I can only assume it was one of their classrooms. The bomber closed the door and, to simulate the bomb going off, the photographer shook the video camera. All of this was part of a humorous end-of-year party, if you don’t think about the deeper meaning. These children have spent the last fifteen or so years learning so much. From the first grade, they have been brought to this moment. They were taught to read and write, conquer simple mathematics up to high levels of geometry, trigonometry and other forms I don’t even remember. Sciences, English, mathematics, computers, woodwork, even cooking lessons.

This is what we knew they would be taught. But on the way, they learned about chemical weapons, and what to do in case of an incoming missile. They learned physics and how to evacuate under fire. They learned English as a second language and how to look around them when they get on a bus to determine if there is someone suspicious. They learned about gas masks, how to put them on quickly, and how to help their younger brothers and sisters only after they had seen to their own masks. They learned about kids dying on buses and in cafes and shopping malls at any moment, in any place. They learned about calling their mothers when they got where they were going, and calling when they hadn’t yet arrived but a bus had blown up and so they needed to reassure and perhaps be reassured in return.

Before the ceremony, my son left his friends to bring me a cup of diet soda. Unasked and appreciated, a sign of the man he is becoming and the boy he is leaving behind. Today, the day after his high school graduation, he is volunteering for the local ambulance squad and taking part in an “emergency” earthquake drill, last night he asked to take the car so he could hang out with his friends. He’s grown up and where the next few years of his life will take him, I have never been. I have no advice I can give him, no words of caution or warning, no way to anticipate what he will see and no way to comfort him for what he will lose along the way. I can only pray that the road will be a safe one for him and that some time soon, those who taught Sa’adi to kill himself will realize that happiness lies in making peace not murder, in negotiation and not terrorism.

The words of my son’s teachers as they concluded the evening were uniquely Israel. Soon, each said, you will start on a difficult path. May you begin that journey through the army and national service in peace, and may you finish it in peace, and may God grant Israel peace.

 


 

 

 

It All Comes Down to the Buses

In Israel, the term “hasbara” is loosely translated as “propaganda.” In more general terms, hasbara is seen as the attempt by Jews and Israelis around the world to explain Israel’s position in a way that will help others understand why we do what we do, how we live where we live, and why. Hasbarais about taking the cause of Israel and explaining it so that people don’t automatically sympathize with what they perceive as the underdog. Instead, they see the broader picture, one of historical rights, of peace offerings made and violence returned, of a people who have built a nation out of sand and another people who have been robbed of billions of dollars in donations, incited to violence and continually deprived of a democratic voice by their own religious and political leaders. Hasbara means making it clear that there is no “cycle” of violence, but a long history of terrorist attacks and attempts to stop these attacks with various means.


Hasbara is about explaining what the Arabs have done to their own children and why we are not to blame. Hasbara is about explaining that Israel has a right to exist and Jews have a right to live in this land, and that there can be no peace agreement until these basic principles are accepted by the Palestinians. And finally, hasbara is about explaining that what Arab leaders SAY in English is not relevant when compared to what they SAY in Arabic, and what they do. Just about everyone agrees that in the war of information, Israel continues to lag hopelessly behind the Palestinians. They are so much better than we are at getting their side across to the media. They have no problem showing their wounds, they glory in them. They even glory in wounds that never existed, as when they cried “massacre” in Jenin and left the world believing that thousands had been murdered, when the real death toll was 52 (vast majority of which were armed gunmen). After a terrorist attack in which Israeli citizens are murdered, the Palestinians are quick to condemn violence on both sides, as if the death o f the terrorist is morally and socially equivalent to the deaths of those he murdered. Smooth-talking Palestinians such as Saeb Erekat and Hanan Ashrawi fill the airwaves with their double talk, exaggerations and outright lies, while incoherent Israeli representatives, vying for time in front of the lights, stumble through with the heavily accented English and embarrass us all. They focus on points and miss nuances and meanings. They confuse with details and buzzwords while Palestinians talk about real people and suffering. The impending visit of a radio journalist explains it all. Already, an impressive list of Palestinian leaders are lined up to meet her, show her the camps, the poverty, the disadvantaged Palestinians, the evil fence we are building, the unemployment. They will not show her the Palestinian textbooks filled with hatred and incitement, nor will they show her Palestinian television which broadcasts Holocaust denial, anti-Semitic slander and calls for violence. While the Israelis will offer her a press card giving her the right to travel all over, they are too busy to organize an impressive list of Israelis who can counter in a meaningful way what she will see and hear during her visits with Palestinians. It is therefore left to ordinary Israelis to speak for our side, to explain why Palestinian poverty is self-inflicted, why violence in textbooks yields a violent society.

If we are not careful, this becomes something of a race for each side to show its bloody wounds and she is left to judge which side has bled more. In sheer numbers, the Palestinians will win because buried in these figures are the suicide bombers, those who shot and lynched and attempted violent actions and were eventually stopped. We have our blood and the Palestinians have theirs. We have our land issues and they have theirs, our claims versus theirs, our history versus theirs. Worse, from the point of view of the impartial scales, our children are brought up in comparative wealth while the Palestinians retain their “underdog” image at all costs. I’ll take the journalist to meet settlers as she has requested, but my goal will be to show her that settlers are nothing more than people who have chosen to live on this block versus that one, in this house versus that one. And yet, there is a more important challenge facing Israelis who are put in the position of having to defend Israel. How can we quickly show the difference between the Palestinian side and the Israeli side? I began by thinking of what she would see from them and what we could show her. They would show her squalor and refugee camps, we could show her orderly homes and planted trees. They would show her a wall covered in angry graffiti, and we could show her statistics showing that terrorist attacks have dropped 90% since the security fence was built. They can show her families who have lost children and we can show her families decimated by terror. A pathetic parade of victims, she will quickly conclude. Slowly, an idea began to form in my head. I could ask someone from ZAKA to speak to her, that amazing organization of people tasked with the job of cleaning up the human remains after a terrorist attack. To the last drop of blood and human flesh that can be gathered, they fight for the dignity of the dead. Even better, I thought, is for her to see. A visual is needed beyond the words. And that’s when the picture formed in my mind. I could take her to see what is left of the buses after the terrorist attack, sanitized and cleaned, but horrific nonetheless. I could ask the ZAKA representative to meet us there, to walk with us and explain what happened on some of the buses. The child found alive under the remains, the victims, the blood, the horror that was inflicted on people who simply got on the wrong bus. The school children on the way to school, the doctor on his way to the hospital, the grandmother on her weekly run to the market. And therein lies the difference, the one thing that we have that the Palestinians do not, the one piece of the puzzle that is uniquely Israeli. The Palestinians have no buses to show. We have never targeted a bus filled with innocent Palestinians on their way to school and work. Our defense forces have never intentionally bombed civilians, shot babies in the head, indiscriminately opened fire on Arab cars. Even more so, our leaders have never threatened these actions as a means of forcing the other side to surrender. Beyond the poverty, self-inflicted or not, beyond the pain of wasted lives and incitement, it all comes down to the buses.
 

Taking the Passive Road


It is a quest of mine. I want people who live outside of the Middle East to understand what it is like to live in a country where you know that mortars will fall every day, stones will be thrown, bullets will be shot, buses will be attacked, cafes will be targeted, and worst of all, people will be murdered. Clarity often comes from distance. Back away from something and somehow it becomes more clear. Two years ago, one of my cyberspace friends asked me the simplest of questions, "How can one group of mothers anguish over the thought that their children might be killed, while another group applauds their children for doing the killing?" I was amazed that someone outside of Israel was baffled by the same mystery that continues to plague our society today. Most days, something hits somewhere. Some days, too much hits anywhere and on the worst of days, a suicide bomber makes it through. Every day, I listen to the news, click around to see what is happening. Recently, as the bus that my son often rides was stoned, something clicked and I sent a note to one of my email groups detailing what had transpired in Israel in a 24-hour period.

A passenger on a bus was lightly injured. Soldiers in Balata were targeted. Several border policepersons were injured. Mortar shells were fired at Gush Katif residents. Kassem rockets were launched at Sderot. IDF troops were targeted by terrorist gunfire. Gunfire was directed at an IDF position. An explosive device was discovered... and on it went. I posted the list of these attacks because I thought they summed up our lives here. Another Israeli added that we were lucky, as this "short" list meant that it had been a relatively quiet day. Then, someone sent a message that surprised me. "Virtually all of these reports were written in the passive... I find it interesting because it appears as though there's a consistent effort to avoid assigning blame." Interesting, he thought. Interesting, I agree. "They were all written in the passive voice. For example, 'Soldiers...were targeted in a shooting attack' as opposed to (what would likely appear in American media) 'Terrorists targeted soldiers in a shooting attack'," he wrote.

Why do Israeli journalists write in the passive tense? Worse, why do we Israelis think that way? We know who is to blame. After more than three years of violence, it is clear to anyone willing to see. A few years ago, when it was clear that the Palestinians had Kassam 2 rockets, a leading Member of Knesset said that if the Arabs dared to fire them at Israel, it would mean war. Today, almost daily, we are attacked by rockets fired at Israelis. They fall in our cities, in our open fields, and even near our schools. Our buses are attacked, and we bulldoze empty buildings. We have lost more than 950 Israelis in the last three years, roughly the equivalent of 55,000 Americans. On September 11, almost 3000 people were murdered, and America declared war. Israel has never been a nation of cowards, and yet we cannot even write the news properly. It is wrong to say that we were attacked, stoned, bombed, shot. We must place the blame where it belongs, on those who attack, those who stone and bomb and shoot. Recently, Palestinians stoned a bus. Palestinians shot at troops. Palestinians planted a bomb. Palestinians launched a mortar attack. The sooner we understand that the world does not understand our hesitation, our passivity, the sooner, perhaps, the world will force it to end. Palestinians grab the world attention. They scream to all that can hear, that the security fence is preventing them from reaching 70% of their land. Lies, lies, lies. At least 80% of the West Bank will remain in Palestinian hands if the fence is built according to the current plan. A bomb on a Jerusalem bus kills Israelis. The government is passive. In less than three hours, the street has been cleaned, the bus removed. Families of the victims are in a race to find their loved ones, frantically searching, but the majority of Israelis have already begun to internalize what has happened. Beyond those first horrible moments, while we imagine the worst for our loved ones and quickly telephone everyone who we think might have been anywhere near the explosion, normalcy creeps back into our lives. Passivity returns. Not even a military response. Nothing but a few words. The news reports that a bus was attacked. A bus was destroyed. Dozens were injured, eight were killed.

A Palestinian suicide bomber attacked a bus. A terrorist destroyed a bus. A Palestinian member of Arafat's al-Aqsa Brigade murdered eight and wounded dozens. It is time for us to stop being passive, time to place the blame where it belongs. Time to stop accepting that mortars will fall each day, stones will be thrown, bullets will be shot. It is time to act and time to stop the actions of others.

 

United We Stand

 A recent conversation I had with a friend brought home, again, the successes and the failures of modern-day Israel. As a secular Jew living in the center of the country, he explained, he has absolutely nothing in common with the Jews who live in Hebron, Beit Haggai, the Gaza strip, etc. When pressed, he agreed that they shared a use of common words, not even a language really. Simply that they used the same words to form sentences. This is an Israeli-born, highly-educated man who has served, again and again, in the Israeli army, has traveled all over the country, loving to camp out alone among the stars, walk through crowded markets, and simply be in Israel. There is nothing "wrong" with this man, and so there must be something wrong with those of us who call ourselves "right-wing" and "non-secular". There is the American phrase, "United we stand, divided we fall." This is something our enemies understand and something we continue to ignore. Jews have, almost from the beginning of our nation thousands of years ago, had an intense sense of the collective. We are one people, no matter where we are, and so it is natural that the Israeli team in Asia searched for Jews from Belgium, France, the United States, and helped find and bring home a little 18-month-old baby for burial in Jerusalem. He is one of ours, no matter where he was born. The collective Jewish heart mourns for him and seeks to comfort his parents. But when a Jew from Tel Aviv feels that he has nothing in common with a Jew in Hebron, so long as one Israeli in Netanya can say he shares nothing with an Israeli from Gush Katif, we all fall. And, when the Jew in Hebron and the Israeli in Gush Katif becomes something foreign, something expendable, the entire nation suffers. This separation is largely the success of the Rabin camp, who long ago pointed their fingers in disdain at "those settlers." They were so effective, the terminology became part of everyday conversation. International media loved it. No longer did they have to talk about dead Jews, or even murdered Israelis. Now it was the settlers. When a woman and her teenage son were murdered, CNN referred to the deaths of "two settlers." So clean, so easy to fail to identify with those who are different. They weren't murdered -- only killed. They weren't Israelis...only settlers. We didn't lose one of ours, the Israeli heart consoles itself, we lost "a settler", which, by definition, suddenly became someone who chose to live in a place and get themselves murdered -- I mean killed, of course. Sure, the Palestinians exploded the bomb, but who told "those people" to live there?

The current government is no less at fault, though they often replace "settler" with "those Feiglinim," and those "on the fringe," or "extreme right". So clean, so much easier for the Israeli heart. This is the success of the Palestinians, who understand better than we do, that a divided Israel is an easier target. Attack a bus in Afula, and the entire nation mourns. Target a bus in Kfar Darom, even a school bus, and people say, "Well, why were they there?" This is the failure of Israeli society. This is how we have arrived at a situation in which a Jew living in the center of the country feels anger when an Israeli in Gush Katif is murdered  and that anger is directed as much (if not more) at the Israeli, rather than the terrorists. United we stand, divided we fall. We must reacquaint ourselves with them  until they return to be "us."

To those on the right: If you are a settler in Gaza, it is time to understand the thinking of the Jews in Tel Aviv. You must make him understand why it is right for you to stay, and wrong for you to go. You cannot afford to dismiss them as secular, or say they don't have a strong enough connection with this land. They love Israel, just as you do, and just as I do. From that mutual love, you must make them understand why you should not be uprooted in exchange for guarantees of continued attacks, more rockets, more attempted infiltrations. It is your job to explain why your homes are just as much a part of Israel as those in Ramat Aviv Gimel and elsewhere, and why our soldiers should be defending you to the maximum of their ability. You must accept that they are a part of you, and you are a part of them.

To those on the left: If you are an Israeli living in Tel Aviv, you must understand that you are a settler too. We all came to settle the land of Israel, in this generation, in the last one, or in some generation thousands of years ago. You must accept in your mind and in your heart that when a Jew chooses to live in Hebron, despite the dangers, that does not mean he deserves, expects, or will accept this as a death sentence for himself or for his children. You must feel the pain of the Jews in Gaza, who have sacrificed so much to live in a place they believe helps defend your home, as well as theirs. You must accept that they love Israel, just as you do. And you must know that they love their children, just as you do. There is nothing that they will not do to save their children and for the sake of their children. It is not wrong to live in Gaza and they do not deserve to have their children murdered because that is where they have chosen to live. Our government put them there, encouraged them, supported them, and now seeks to abandon them. You must accept that they are a part of you, and you are a part of them.

To all of us: Palestinians do not have the right to terrorize. They do not have the right to launch rockets at our homes, blow up buses on which our children ride. It is a morally, ethically, religiously despicable action. It is murder in its most callous form and until they stop, we must tell them, they will not be rewarded. We cannot control what they do, so says Ariel Sharon, but we can control what we do, and what we can do is understand the feelings and thinking of those who live there (and here). It is our people in Gush Katif and in Hebron. It is our homes, our children, our lives under fire and under attack. The Palestinians have squandered peace offering after peace offering and they will soon squander another. To withdraw in the face of rocket attacks is lunacy in the extreme. To surrender land so that the Palestinians can attack from that much closer, is absurd. Would you give up your home to save your children? The Jews of Gaza, Judah and the Shomron would. But stop for a moment and look at your home, wherever you live. How long have you lived there? Two years? Five years? Some Israelis have lived in Gush Katif for more than 30 years. Would you leave your home simply because the government says, "let's try this experiment today?"

Will the Israelis living in Gaza and Shomron agree to leave the communities they have built, the neighbors they love, the only home most of their children have ever known? The question is not will they, the question is for what? For their children? Yes, they will voluntarily leave their homes and all that they have built to ensure the safety of their children. But will their children be safe if they move them to Jerusalem, to Afula, to Netanya? Do you believe your children are really safe? Do you send your children on buses without any concerns? To a cafe? To the mall? Hundreds of children in these "safe" places have been murdered and orphaned. So long as the Palestinians are determined to use violence, their children, our children, your children are not safe in Tel Aviv or in Gaza. The Palestinian terror groups have promised to continue shooting rockets. The incoming government has already stated that it would not disarm militants, nor actively work against terror organizations. More than 5000 rockets have already been launched against us, and this too will not stop.

As we seek to force the transfer of Jews out of Gaza, uproot thousands of people from their homes and bring Kassem rockets that much closer, we would do well to understand the other side. We are not giving Gaza up for peace and security, as Sharon once promised. We would be wise to listen to Abu Mazen's post-election promise in which he predicted that the "little Jihad had ended, and now the big Jihad is beginning." The only question is from where that big Jihad will be launched.


A Child’s Zoo in a Cursed Land

I went to the zoo recently, a zoo unlike any other, and quite possibly one of the loveliest I’d ever seen. At first glance, it appears much as other zoos do, with large fenced off areas and the requisite animals, meandering pathways offering shade and a moment to watch animals swim, climb and sleep. While I didn’t see any lions and tigers and bears, I did saw ostriches, goats, deer, assorted birds, monkeys and a camel named Shaul. Some of the more exotic animals such as elephants and porcupines were represented in colorful murals that adorned the walls and structures throughout the zoo. More important than the animal population was the human population and what it represented, who was there, and who was not. We strolled into the zoo, band the first thing that was quickly noticeable was the absence of adults and the abundance of children.

I was escorting a foreign radio journalist for whom I was acting as tour guide. Someone suggested we visit the zoo and thinking that it offered a different angle to her reporting, we agreed. She had her microphone ready to record the sounds that would add color to her documentary, while I played the role of “tourist,” snapping pictures right and left. This was a child’s world into which we had accidentally stumbled and the children were everywhere. They were running, talking, sitting, jumping and simply smiling and being happy on a sunny day. They were completely comfortable and competent with the animals. One boy walked past with a cockatiel on his shoulder, while in pairs of two, other children carried large plastic bins with hay and poured them over the fence for sheep, goats, deer and Shaul the camel. The night before, as on most nights for as long as these young children can likely remember, a mortar shell exploded nearby and gunfire was heard, but there was no tension evident on their faces or in their actions. More than 6000 mortars and rockets have been shot at their homes in the last five years and yet these children happily focused on the needs of the animals. This amazing zoo is located in Neve Dekalim, in the Gush Katif section of the Gaza Strip. It is an oasis of sanity in an insane world, a place of light and sunshine and peace. Just outside Neve Dekalim, across the road from the zoo, live Palestinians. They dwell in squalor and dirt, a sharp and disturbing contrast to the colors and glory of the zoo and the children who are experiencing an incredibly well planned educational program teaching them about animals and responsibility. The homes of the Palestinians are not neatly arranged in rows, rubbish is piled all over and drab, colorless clothes swing in the gentle, hot breeze.

Barely a tree is in sight on the Palestinian side, little or no vegetation other than inside rows of greenhouses in the distance. Palestinian children play in the streets, even at a time when they should be in school. And across the street, just a few dozen meters away, Israeli children play inside a security fence hidden behind tall bushes and trees. To further my task as tour guide, even in a place I had never been, I approached three men standing beside one of the animal cages, the only adults I was to see while in the zoo. Yes, the man in charge was willing to answer questions about his zoo, but preferred to speak in Hebrew. I was given the task of translating. As I was about to return to the journalist and tell her I had secured her next interview, one child fell. Within seconds, the men turned and went quickly to the boy to make sure he was uninjured. As a mother of three active boys, I could tell the “injury” was likely only a scraped palm or knee, requiring nothing more than a hug and a wash. The men spoke gently to the boy, made sure he was fine and returned to complete our discussion.

What is the purpose of the zoo? We asked David Amichai, the zookeeper who agreed to be interviewed. It’s an educational experience, he explained. I smiled at the obviousness of his answer, and wondered if it was possible for listeners of a radio broadcast to possibly imagine how educational this was, what a wonderful world David and the children of Neve Dekalim had created out of what was once empty, useless land that the neighboring Arabs called “cursed.” It was cursed, they explained to the first Jews who arrived in the 1970s, because for centuries they had tried and failed to grow anything on these sand dunes. What green houses they have now across the road are largely due to the technology and assistance of the Israeli farmers who came, learned how to grow crops in sand, and conquer the desert. But that is now. Before the Jews came, there was nothing. Since the time of Abraham, the patriarch of the Jewish and Moslem world, said the mayor of Khan Yunis to the first Jews who arrived, the land would not yield and so it was considered cursed. The mayor welcomed the Jews with bread and salt, a traditional Moslem ritual, because he believed that the Jews would make the land grow. I doubt even he could have imagined how prophetic would be his words. During our brief stay, we visited organic celery and pepper farms and heard about many of the other crops that grow there. Even more, we saw the green gardens around the homes and throughout the zoo. The second question we asked the zookeeper was trickier. “In light of the scheduled disengagement, have you made arrangements for the animals?” Every resident had already been asked and answered similar questions about plans for their own future. Each gave the same answer, that the government had not offered them any real alternatives and no one knew where Sharon’s expulsion plans would take their families. One man did not know where his son, a
decorated soldier who fell in the Lebanon war, would be reburied. A mother did not know where her young children would go to school. No one had thought of packing up homes built and furnished with years of attention and love. Packing up a zoo with hundreds of animals isn’t the same, David explained. If it comes to it, other zoos in Israel have already made it clear they would welcome the animals from Gush Katif and give them a home, David told us “if, God forbid, we have to leave.” How interesting that the animals of Gush Katif have at least that security, while the residents do not.

“What will you do? How do you feel about leaving the zoo?” he was asked. His answer was heartbreaking. “I built this zoo”, he explained. “I have maintained it, and now, maybe I’ll have to take it apart.” We thanked him for his time and, as we continued our tour of the zoo in quiet contemplation, I thought over the interviews that I’d heard during our brief visit. The mother, the farmer, the terrorist victim, the war veteran, the new immigrant, the bereaved father, the soldier, the children. From previous discussions, I knew that this journalist had been deeply affected by the poverty she was shown by the Palestinians as she prepared the groundwork for the documentaries she will produce. We spoke often of the squalor in which the Palestinians live, the hopelessness she perceives. Our comparative wealth was an obscenity next to their poverty, was the underlying message I received. Before I had even known about the existence of the zoo, I had warned her that she would see beautiful parks that we had created for our children. It wasn’t fair, I told her the first time I met her, to simply take our parks and compare them to where Palestinian children play. It is too easy a trap in which to fall. It is too simple to conclude that those who have are guilty simply by virtue of the fact that there exist those who do not have. I had tried to explain to this journalist from a far off land, that we are not to blame if we choose to spend our money on parks and zoos while the Palestinian leaders embezzle millions (if not billions) of dollars, because Palestinian terrorist groups buy mortars and not swings, Kassem rockets and not animal cages. The Karina A ship that was loaded with weapons purchased by the Palestinian Authority was worth millions of dollars. How many parks and zoos could the Palestinians have built with that money? Thinking about the sadness I heard in David Amichai’s voice as he talked about dismantling something he clearly loved so much, I again felt a sense of anger at the irrational choices our government is making, and I felt anger at the unjust comparison of Palestinian poverty with our perceived opulence.

What harm does this zoo do to the Palestinian children? Did it cause them to live in squalor? Will dismantling this zoo make their lives better? Because we gave our children a place such as this, does that make us wrong? If they stopped the terror, they could come here, I explained. We could help them build a zoo, as we have helped give them work, health care, and so much more. There are so many options, once the violence stops. Years ago, they chose hatred and mortars and incitement over building zoos and parks just as they chose to reject the state they were offered by the United Nations in favor of waging war to push us into the sea. They did not succeed then, but they kept trying, focusing their resources on war and not on peace, on weapons and not on parks. It is not fair to look at what the Israeli child has and find us guilty because Palestinian children do not
have these things. Per capita, Palestinian refugees have received more aid than anyone else. More than the victims of the droughts in Sudan and Ethiopia, more than the tsunami survivors, more than those suffering in Darfur. When our nation was born, we were just as poor and we had refugees that had come from all over the world. We housed them, we nurtured them, and half a century later, we are a nation without refugees, a nation with beautiful parks and zoos. Where has the more than 10 billion dollars in funding from the European Union gone? The answer clearly is not to those who needed it. Not to the children, not to the schools. Not to the hospitals. Not to the parks. Why is this zoo to blame if Palestinian money was given to buy Suha Arafat a luxurious villa? If Palestinian leaders are driving around in fancy cars and live in fancy homes, why do you blame us for building beautiful parks for our children? To all of this, the journalist had no answer. The squalor, the poverty, the have nots. These are the images in her head that she took out of Gaza and what she will broadcast over the airwaves. Long before she ever arrived and long after she is gone, the images of Palestinian poverty will continue to frame her perspectives and therefore her journalism. It is quite clear that there was squalor before the Israelis captured the Gaza Strip in 1967. Jewish residents told us that Palestinian poverty before they arrived was so bad, the Israelis were welcomed after the harsh rule of
the Egyptians. The only difference is that now, with Israelis there, world media cares enough to report on the squalor, while pre-1967 it simply was not newsworthy.

We witnessed Palestinians building and working within the Jewish settlements. Clearly, they benefit from this relationship with jobs, a secure source of water and electricity, improved health care, better living conditions and more. One Palestinian told us all he wanted was peace. He did not mention a Palestinian homeland and he certainly did not say he wanted the land on which he stood. Sand it once was, cursed land that yielded nothing. Cursed sand it will be again, if Sharon’s expulsion plan is implemented.

 

Brotherhood among Victims

 

 When planes hit the World Trade Center, my first thought, to my everlasting shame, was about America finally understanding, perhaps only a little, what we in Israel were experiencing almost daily. When the second plane hit and the Pentagon was set afire, I silently begged Americans to forgive me. I never wanted them to learn the lesson like that.

 

This time, unlike 9/11, I didn't have even a second to think that now, perhaps, England would be more sympathetic to Israel. The world is indeed a different place today than it was on September 10, 2001. The pictures are horrific, and even worse is the knowledge that what is to come in the next few hours is worse than what we yet know. The numbers will climb through and the impact of today will be felt by those who were injured for weeks, months, years and perhaps the rest of their lives. This I know from what we have experienced here, and yet this is not something that England is ready to hear.  The numbers are agonizingly slow and yet already much higher numbers are being released on Israeli television. This too is something that I know. Our media is ever cautious in publicizing the numbers because each number represents a life, a family, a town in mourning. Often the foreign media, which has no qualms about the pain such numbers cause, will be quick to announce a high death count, while all Israeli stations slowly approach the same number. For this one time, Israel media is free to release numbers, knowing that it is very unlikely than anyone in England is listening to the broadcasts.

 

It is almost as if the media was trying to gradually break the bad news to its listeners, prepare them slowly for the worst and beyond. This is what is happening in London now and what happens here after each attack. No one can believe that only two people were killed in four combined attacks on three train stations and a bus, and yet, English television remained with this number for hours, only moving gradually up into the tens, twenties and thirties as the day wore on. The lesson, as we well know it, is that in a moment of utter horror...lives change and we'll never have a satisfactory answer as to why, what could possibly be gained by destroying the lives of innocent people on commuter trains and buses. This is the reality we have lived with, the truth the Americans and Europeans have learned. Soon will come the coincidences, a friend that was visiting London yesterday, someone just missing the bus, another deciding to spend the day at home, or whatever. There will be the accusations of who did this, why they did it and more. Sky television is talking about the terrorist attacks. BBC has reported, "London rocked by terror attacks." And inside of me, as I listen to the news and watch the pictures, I am filled with emotions. To the left of the anguish I feel for the families, a tad to the right of the anger I feel at what I am sure will prove, once again, to have been the act of Islamic extremists, is this tiny seed of anger at the Europeans themselves, or at least at the European media. Confirming what I already knew, when buses blow up in London, they are terrorist attacks, which, one would assume, were perpetrated by terrorists. By definition, if it is a terrorist attack that means terrorists attacked, no? And yet, when a bus goes off in Jerusalem, these are attacks by militants. Terrorists kill Americans and Europeans, militants kill Israelis, it seems. BBC refuses to call them terrorists if they attack in Jerusalem, but terror it is and terrorists they are if their victims are Britons in London.

 

To BBC’s way of thinking, calling them terrorists is making a judgment, something they as journalists do not want to do…unless the victims are their own people, apparently. One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter is their mantra when the victims are Jews and Israelis and yet, today, there is no doubt in anyone’s mind that terrorists attacked London.

 

I try to tell myself that I have no right to this anger that I feel when people are suffering there, and yet, it is a slow burning pain, deep down aimed at the media, who serves the interests of the terrorists by dismissing what they do as legitimate acts of desperation or “war.” I was recently told by a former BBC correspondent, that she is able to maintain an air of separation when a bus full of Israelis blows up. She didn't mean it to sound quite that way, but that was the underlying message. As a trained journalist, she cannot feel solidarity with one side, refuses to understand the pain of the Israelis in a conflict to which she assigns more blame to those who are blown up in buses, than those who inflict this horror. As I look at the pictures and I hear the panic in London and I feel so much pain and sorrow. I do not think the England police are handling it well and I know that I am not being fair. Israel has become too good at handling it. I've said that for a long time. Within minutes after an attack, emergency numbers are posted. Four hours into the tragedy, England still had not released these numbers.

 

Within hours, the streets in Israel are cleared and the traffic flowing. The bus is moved and cleaned elsewhere, out of sight, move on with your lives. Hours later, London is still paralyzed, still in shock, openly wounded and vulnerable. This is as it should be. When terrorists rip your heart out, when they attack at the height of rush hour, intending to murder and maim, it is wrong to clean up so fast, to move on too quickly.  Most important, I can imagine the terror and the pain of the people there so clearly. I see their shocked faces and I don’t believe their religion or nationality makes a difference because there is a brotherhood among victims, an understanding that this can happen anywhere, anytime, to anyone.  And...I think there is an answer in there somewhere, in that brotherhood, in that understanding and in that sad acceptance. When the whole world rocks with agony, when we all cry because a bus blew up somewhere...and when it doesn't matter where or who was on board - we might find a way to stop this. We are closer today, in the post 9/11 world we live in, but we aren't there yet. I offer my deepest, most heartfelt condolences to the people of England, to the families of those who lost loved ones (and worse...don't even know it yet), to those who were injured and their families...and to all of us because we live in a world where someone can climb on a bus or board a train and do such horror.

 

Clueless in Jerusalem

 

Rarely have I seen a government so successfully bungle something that should be so simple. The government, read here Ariel Sharon, believed Israel must disengage from the Palestinians unilaterally because, after years of violence, it was clear to one and all that there was no partner on the other side with whom we can negotiate. Up to this point, Sharon’s assessment was logical, well intentioned and might well have had the support of the nation.

 

If you can’t live with them… and after more than 50 years of warfare, it is becoming more evident that they aren’t willing to live with us, disengagement might well be the only way to end this conflict. So the conclusion Sharon reached might have been logical, that we must separate Jew and Arab, that the experiment has failed and there can be no resolution given the severity of the outstanding issues. Years ago, Rabbi Meir Kahane was assailed as a racist for suggesting this very theory and yet today, it is widely accepted – Jews must separate from Palestinians. Message received and accepted.  What becomes more and more clear each day, however, is that Ariel Sharon’s disengagement plan is neither a disengagement nor a plan. Sharon will not disengage the populations. His only plan involves destroying the lives and livelihoods of 9000 Jews. Beyond this, he has no real goal for separating from the Palestinians. No new hospitals will be built in the Gaza Strip to enable Palestinians to have all their medical needs met there. They will continue to come to Israel, even if they do occasionally try to come to our hospitals to blow them up, as 21-year-old Wafa al-Biri planned to do just last month. We will still supply Gaza with electricity, water and phone service and they will continue to send in workers, even though this arrangement is often used to try to mask planned terror attacks.

 

It isn’t much of a plan either. Where are the dunams of land required to enable the farmers of Gush Katif to continue to plant and grow, as they have been doing for 30 years? Where will we rebury those who are buried in Gaza now? Where will the children go to school? How will you move 9000 people from their homes to waiting stations several kilometers away, when you can’t even protect them from the Kassem rockets and mortars the Palestinians launch at them daily? What message are you sending to the Palestinians when no matter how much they attack, we still plow forward to reward them with land and riches?

 

Clueless politicians are what we elected. The government might have had the cooperation of the people if they were receiving something in return for the tremendous sacrifices. We will not get security. We will not get peace. We will not get disengagement and we don’t even have a plan. Clueless politicians are what we have. The government is on the run, unable to cope with the determination and dedication of those who feel its “plan” is morally and ethically wrong. Sharon has manipulated his cabinet to get a majority, betrayed the only referendum he initiated and refused a true referendum because he fears hearing the true opinion of the majority of Israelis. To implement his expulsion plan, he has twisted and warped laws and concepts for his personal interest.

 

Few in Israel doubt that Sharon is using the disengagement plan to deflect attention from his lack of leadership, his inability to deliver his campaign promises of peace and security and, even worse, to manage his delinquent and corrupt family relations and actions.  Clueless politicians. Our appeasement could well put Neville Chamberlain to shame. One minute the government is closing Gush Katif, and then they are rescinding the order. We will pull out in July; no make it in August; no do it now. Family members can enter; no they can’t. The rally is permitted; no it is not. We are going into Gaza to stop the Kassem rockets that have killed and wounded yet again; well, maybe in 24 hours. We won’t retreat under fire; we will retreat no matter what. We won’t negotiate with terrorists; we’ll be meeting next week with Abu Mazen and anyone else willing to meet with us. Terror attacks will not be tolerated; the Netanya attack will not stop the implementation of the plan. The army orders vast numbers of soldiers to take leave, then orders them back to their units.  We will destroy the homes; no we won’t. We will destroy the homes, but not remove the rubble. We’ll destroy the homes and remove the rubble if we can’t find someone else to foot the bill.

 

Inevitably, the one consistency here is Sharon’s inability to grasp the very basics of the situation. He still does not understand the importance of a referendum. Had he agreed, and had a national referendum shown that a majority of Israelis wanted to pull out of Gaza, the residents would have listened to the voice of the people. They are, above all else, Israelis. Had Israel been allowed to speak, these Israelis would have abandoned what they built there and obeyed the will of the people. Sharon fails to understand that the Palestinians are not ready for peace. For generations, they have been raised with hatred and a promise that terror will succeed. And, apparently, they are correct. Although the Palestinians have been incited to violence and betrayed and cheated by their leaders, Israelis will pay the price thanks to the short sightedness of Ariel Sharon.  Handled correctly, Sharon might have been able to work with Abu Mazen to bring peace. But, having rammed the disengagement plan down the throats of his own people, Sharon has convinced the Arabs that they will achieve victory simply by sitting on the side and watching us make fools of ourselves. If they have no desire to sit quietly, continued shelling, shooting, and bombing is optional, but truly not needed to bring Israel to its knees. Ariel Sharon has succeeded in doing this where 50 years of Arab warfare has failed. Sharon’s plan may succeed in expelling 9000 people from their homes, but those same politicians who cannot successfully plan this disengagement also fail in understanding the cost of such actions. For decades to come, we will be paying for Sharon’s disengagement plan in the disillusionment of our youth, the shame of how our government betrayed the Jewish residents of Gaza, and the weak and clueless policies we have shown to the Arabs.

 

When Lions are Led by Asses

"An army of asses led by a lion is vastly superior to an army of lions led by an ass." George Washington.

 

I was there for the beginning and the end of the anti-disengagement rally last week. At Netivot, I walked away with anger and sadness and at Kfar Meimon, I drove away with pride and determination. The Israel that came out of Kfar Meimon is very different than the one that went into Netivot. Today, we are stronger, more dedicated, more sure of the path we have chosen, and more determined than ever that we must and will succeed.

 

At Netivot, we listened in growing shame to what our government was doing to quiet the voice of the people. Our own government, army and police were desecrating and twisting laws in order to be able to claim smaller opposition. In the end, their deeds were broadcast across the country. This is a government that will stop at nothing to suppress the legitimate and peaceful voice of opposition.

 

They will illegally reroute or cancel buses, threaten bus drivers, harass and delay drivers and perhaps their greatest sin of all is that they would even let an elderly man, the great Rav Avraham Shapira, walk in the heat of the day. Despite their attempts, tens of thousands arrived at Netivot.

 

At Kfar Meimon, what developed was a most amazing event within the moshav, almost separate from what was happening outside. If you want a glimpse of the country Israel will one day become, take a look at our youth, how they behaved, and what they did during the siege of Kfar Meimon.

 

In a world where too many teens are involved in drugs and drink, our youth spent their time learning, talking, singing and dancing. There were organized events for children, older men learning with boys, mothers watching their children play in beautiful parks. Everywhere, there were cultivated lawns and gardens and almost all houses and yards were full at night with tents and sleeping bags. We went to sleep and woke to a sea of sleeping bags pressed at all sides.

 

It was a wonder to watch our children. We raise them and then wonder how they will behave when we aren’t around to hand out the discipline, and now I know. They behaved with decorum, with propriety. It was silly, but I was so impressed with the little things. They brush their teeth at night and in the morning. The boys yielded to the girls, making sure they had privacy and separate areas were set up voluntarily. Though many of their parents weren’t there, they made them proud.

 

Compare the behavior of those within Kfar Meimon to those who were outside. Compare the message delivered by the leaders. Within the fence, the Yesha Council controlled the crowds and constantly reminded them that this was a non-violent demonstration. We will achieve our goals, they told us again and again, without violence, without destruction.

 

And, at the same time on the edges of Kfar Meimon, ever present with nothing to do, were 20,000 police and army forces. As we were hearing messages of determination and non-violence, Negev Police Commander Brigadier-General Nisso Shaham was telling others, “Let them burn. Use the cannons and batons. Hit them on their lower body and work the way you know how.”

 

At one point, I approached a group of soldiers, hoping to take a picture of them talking to a few girls. I was amused, at first, thinking that young people will be young people, regardless of whether the clothes they wore were green uniforms or orange (representing the color of anti-disengagement). It would have been a picture of seven young people, technically on opposite sides of the fence, who still found common ground.

 

But that plan evaporated as I got closer and saw that two of the girls were crying as they tried to talk to the soldiers. The soldiers looked bored and simply ignored the girls. Worse, it was clear that they were on the opposite side of a physical fence that had become an emotional divide as well. 

 

This is what Sharon has done. He has taken an army that is supposed to protect the people of Israel, and used it to besiege an Israeli city. He has put “them” on one side and “us” on the other. It won’t be civil war because we won’t allow it, but it is a divide that may take generations to heal.

 

Since the beginning of the anti-disengagement movement, I have steadfastly rejected using Holocaust imagery because I believe the Holocaust holds a unique place in our history. While I can say nothing about the Holocaust survivor making analogies because they have more direct knowledge than I do, I have urged friends who are my age or younger to refrain from any comparisons.

 

For the first time, this became impossible for me as I watched soldiers unrolling barbed wire around Kfar Maimon. Tens of thousands of Jews were surrounded by barbed wire and armed forces. In this case, those who were besieging us were not Nazi soldiers, but our own Jewish army sworn to protect us.

 

Since the founding of Israel, barbed wire has been used to protect Jewish communities, now it was used to keep us locked in. How can the image of that happening bring back any memory other than those related to the Holocaust? Add in the words of Nisso Shaham and you have a sense of the anger and hatred that Sharon’s government has generated and directing our way. How can a Jew, even the Prime Minister of the Jewish State, use barbed wire this way?

 

Sharon has much to answer for and ultimately he will. What came out of Kfar Meimon is a determined, united front that was disciplined, well-behaved and non-violent. What besieged the tiny moshav were 20,000 army and police forces who were bored, abused, misdirected and unnecessarily redundant. The protesters promised non-violence and delivered it. The government was elected democratically, and delivered authoritarianism and treachery.

 

Finally, what must come out of Kfar Meimon is a call to the people and army of Israel. Do not let this man, this government, pervert all that we have created in 57 years. Yesterday, Shimon Peres called for the division of Jerusalem. Now we know what the Labor party wants. Anyone who votes for Labor in the next election will now know this is what their plan includes. But Sharon never had the decency to be honest and tell his supporters of the betrayal he had planned. Only lies. Peace and security were his watchwords, not capitulation and surrender.

 

It’s time for elections now. Let Sharon run on a platform of disengagement without peace or security. Let Peres run on a platform to divide Jerusalem and forsake Hebron. And in the end, I predict that Israel will kick out this old generation of tired and failed men and vote in a new, younger government. Let the old ones retire before they succeed in dividing the army and the people and surrendering all. Israel needs courageous leaders with power and strength. Israel needs the integrity that we saw within Kfar Meimon, the determination, the love of Israel. The unity, the kindness that was there in the people. This is Israel, and this is what should be leading us to real peace and security.