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Peace Index
By Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann
Prime Minister Olmert's visit to Washington is defined as a success
by a clear majority of the Jewish public. As for the basic political
position he presented regarding the immediate need for permanent
borders, it appears he also has considerable public support at this
time. There is a broad consensus among the Jewish public that it is
very important for Israel to have permanent borders, and that Israel
has a moral right to decide on such borders even without
coordination with the Palestinians. At the same time, there is an
awareness of the limitations of power: the majority does not believe
Israel has the ability to set its borders unilaterally without the
support of the United States and the international community. The
public is, in fact, evenly divided between supporters and opponents
of the convergence plan, which includes an extensive evacuation of
Jewish settlements and settlers from the West Bank. Nevertheless, a
large majority believes that if the plan is adopted, Israel has the
ability to carry it out, along with such a far-reaching
dismantlement. The public's positions on the issue of the permanent
borders, however and with what tradeoff they are attained, are
apparently dictated by the desire to strengthen Israel's character
as a Jewish state in the demographic sense. Thus, regarding the
route the permanent borders will take, if the choice is between more
territory or less Palestinian population, there is a clear
preference that less Wes tBank land be annexed if this means fewer
Palestinian residents in Israel. As for exchanges of territory, even
though the majority does not ascribe much importance to the question
of whether Israel should territorially compensate the Palestinians
in return for West Bank lands that it includes in its borders, if
territorial exchanges are to be carried out the public unequivocally
prefers ceding the Arab-populated Triangle to giving up unpopulated
areas of the Negev. In a similar spirit, there is broad public
support for the Supreme Court's ruling that Israel does not have to
grant citizenship to Palestinians who have married Israeli Arabs.
Those are the main findings of the Peace Index survey that was
carried out from Monday to Wednesday, 29-31 May. Today a majority of
58% of the Jewish public (mostly voters for Kadima, Labor, Meretz,
and the Pensioners) view Prime Minister Olmert's visit to Washington
as successful or very successful, 25% as unsuccessful, and 17.5% do
not know. An even larger majority-75.5%-think, similar to the stance
Olmert presented in Washington, that it is very important for Israel
to have permanent borders. The recognition of that need is
especially strong among Meretz (94%) and Labor (88%) voters; after
them come voters for the Pensioners (70%), Kadima (68%), and Yisrael
Beiteinu (60%). The support in Likud is lower, but still a majority
supports the idea (50% in favor, 25% opposed, and the rest with no
opinion). Only in the National Religious Party/National Union is
there a majority of opponents (58%). How to arrive at these
permanent borders is a more controversial question, since the
convergence plan as presented by Olmert includes an extensive
settlement evacuation. Here 47% indeed favor the plan, but 44%
oppose it-a parity that did not exist regarding Sharon's
disengagement plan even when support for it was at its lowest.
However, support for the plan by voting is similar though not
identical to the pattern of support for permanent borders. Support
for the plan with its extensive dismantlement is headed by Meretz
(94%) voters, followed by Labor (78%), Pensioners (73%), and Kadima
(63%). Opponents have a majority among voters for Torah Judaism
(92%), Yisrael Beiteinu (68%), and Shas (67%), and also among Likud
voters (64.5%). At the same time, apparently inspired by the
effective implementation of the disengagement plan, 67% believe
that, despite the difficult experiences of the Gaza Strip evacuation
and the Amona incident, Israel is capable of carrying out the plan
if it decides to, even though a more extensive evacuation is
involved (26% think it cannot succeed at this task and the rest have
no opinion). Evidently, there is a close connection between support
and feasibility assessment. Among the supporters, 89% view the plan
as feasible, but only 9% of opponents see it that way. One can
argue, of course, that the influence flows in the opposite
direction, with feasibility assessment determining support or
opposition-and in fact a connection emerges in that direction as
well: among those viewing the convergence, including a widespread
evacuation, as infeasible, 75% oppose it and only 16% support it.
A large majority of 70% support a position similar to the one Olmert
presented-that Israel has the moral right to unilaterally decide its
permanent borders. Especially interesting is that this view has wide
support even among voters for the right-wing parties, whose level of
support for the idea of permanent borders and, of course, for the
convergence plan is lower: 90% of Likud voters affirm this moral
right, 79% of Kadima voters, 67% of voters for Torah Judaism,
National Religious Party/National Union, and Yisrael Beiteinu, and
60% of Labor voters. Among Meretz and Pensioners voters there is
disagreement and more or less parity between those who uphold this
right and those who deny it. However, unlike the high assessment of
Israel's ability to carry out the convergence plan, on the issue of
unilaterally setting the permanent borders there is wide public
recognition of the limitations of power. Only 39% think Israel will
be able to determine the borders unilaterally if this does not gain
international and American support, whereas the majority (55%) says
it cannot do so without such support. On that point a majority of
voters for all the parties agree, with the exception of Shas.
Along with the prevailing recognition that Israel has a moral right
to decide its permanent borders without consulting the Palestinians,
many feel that even though this would entail annexing territories
that belong to the Palestinians, it is not important that Israel
should compensate them with lands of the same size within Israel.
That is the view of 51% of the Jewish public, compared to 40% who
think the Palestinians deserve such compensation. If, however, such
a compensation is decided, a high rate-46%-favor giving territory
from the Triangle, including Umm al-Fahm and other villages that are
populated by Israeli Arabs, and only 15% prefer ceding unpopulated
areas of the Western Negev. The rest do not know or oppose any
exchanges of territory that would transfer parts of Israel to the
Palestinians. Note that even among Meretz voters, for whom support
for transferring empty lands-29%-is highest among all the parties, a
higher rate favors giving up the Triangle-35%. The desire to
increase the Jewish majority's demographic advantage in the state of
Israel also emerges from the responses to two other questions. One
asks what is preferable-that the permanent borders should preserve
as much of the Land of Israel as possible for Jewish sovereignty, or
that the Palestinian population remaining under Israeli sovereignty
be reduced as much as possible even at the price of relinquishing
territory. The Jewish public shows a clear preference-59%-for
retaining as few Palestinians as possible even if it entails giving
up territory, with one one-fourth opting for annexing more land even
if that means increasing the Palestinian population that will live
in Israel. A further manifestation of the strong desire to maintain
a Jewish demographic majority is the Jewish public's sweeping
support-70%-for the Supreme Court decision, albeit passed by a small
majority, that legally the state of Israel does not have to grant
citizenship to Palestinians who have married Israeli Arabs even if
this means the couple cannot live together permanently in Israel or
enjoy the rights of citizens. Only among Meretz voters does a
minority view this decision as just, and Pensioners voters are split
on the question. For the rest of the parties, a clear majority of
the voters views this Supreme Court decision as right.
Indexes: General Oslo: 38.2; Jews: 33.2. General Negotiations: 51.1;
Jews: 46.9. The Peace Index Project is conducted at the Tami
Steinmetz Center for Peace Research and the Evens Program in
Mediation and Conflict Resolution of Tel Aviv University, headed by
Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann. The telephone interviews
were carried out by the B. I. Cohen Institute of Tel Aviv University
on 29-31 May 2006, and included 593 interviewees who represent the
adult Jewish and Arab population of Israel (including the
territories and the kibbutzim). The sampling error for a sample of
this size is about 4.5% in each direction. For the findings of the
survey, see:
www.tau.ac.il/peace
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